In current literature on Italian language, notions of affermazione (affirmation), conferma (confirmation), accordo (agreement) are used to identify the functions of a subclass of discourse particles used in reply utterances, such as sì, già, infatti, esatto, appunto, okay. These particles are neither syntactically nor functionally equivalent. On the basis of previous literature available on single particles and of a small corpus of dyadic conversations, the study aims at single out some of the relevant parameters which can disentangle more specific functions. Among them are found: the distinction between an ideational and an interpersonal level as the possible scope for the particle; the speech-acts involved in the stimulus and reply utterances; the status of the information exchanged, in terms of accessibility and sharing between speakers.

Quando affermare non è confermare. Per uno studio di "sì" a confronto con "esatto", "infatti", "già" (e "okay")

ANDORNO, Cecilia Maria
2016-01-01

Abstract

In current literature on Italian language, notions of affermazione (affirmation), conferma (confirmation), accordo (agreement) are used to identify the functions of a subclass of discourse particles used in reply utterances, such as sì, già, infatti, esatto, appunto, okay. These particles are neither syntactically nor functionally equivalent. On the basis of previous literature available on single particles and of a small corpus of dyadic conversations, the study aims at single out some of the relevant parameters which can disentangle more specific functions. Among them are found: the distinction between an ideational and an interpersonal level as the possible scope for the particle; the speech-acts involved in the stimulus and reply utterances; the status of the information exchanged, in terms of accessibility and sharing between speakers.
2016
10
89
118
affermazione, conferma, discourse particles, Italian
Cecilia Andorno
File in questo prodotto:
File Dimensione Formato  
Andorno2016_T&L.pdf

Accesso aperto

Tipo di file: PDF EDITORIALE
Dimensione 221.51 kB
Formato Adobe PDF
221.51 kB Adobe PDF Visualizza/Apri

I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.

Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/2318/1633900
Citazioni
  • ???jsp.display-item.citation.pmc??? ND
  • Scopus ND
  • ???jsp.display-item.citation.isi??? ND
social impact